All of these show the multiplicity of roles women maintain and emphasize the point that marriage, work, and migration are inextricably linked. Contributions by : Maria W.
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Hardcover Cookbook. Thus a woman taking up a job as a domestic is also displaying skills and attributes that might be considered marital. Moreover, gendered patterns of labor migration determine the spaces in which such international relationships occur. The extent of these international relationships and the networks that facilitate the marriages are enabled and limited by the nature of Filipina labor migration Paredes-Maceda , Where women are domestic workers, their future partners can quickly come to identify them with domestic space and all the stereotypes that this identification might imply.
International marriages between Filipina contract migrants and nationals of their receiving nations often have significant age differences between the partners with Filipinas marrying older men who are typically divorced or separated. Research interviews with Filipina brides revealed that the women are aware of their stereotyping by their husbands.
The preceding section has linked marriage to de-skilling while the next section shows how Filipinas in Canada exemplify this phenomenon of worker-towife migration and establishes the social and political-economic context where de-skilling takes place. The origins of this stereotype lie in their visibility as an ethnic group and their overrepresentation in both the LCP immigration category and in the occupations classified as housekeeping and childcare.
In that year, Filipino arrivals were a mix of independent immigrants, their spouses and dependents, and LCP applicants and their LCP spouses and dependents.
Data from previous years would suggest that women from the Phihppines were heavily overrepresented in the LCP class, giving substance to the DH stereotype. In the period , the last period for which comprehensive data breaking down all classes is available, 51, immigrants from the Philippines landed in Canada, representing 9. Of those landing from the LCP principal applicant group, 21, people Ninety-eight percent of these Filipinos were women.
Thus Fllipinas made up 71 percent of LCP principal applicants achieving landed immigrant status, while women from other national origins represented 27 percent of this class. Immigrant Filipinos, men and women, are more likely to have a university degree 29 percent do than native-born Canadians.
Despite the apparent parity in their educational attainment, Filipino immigrant women in Canada earn less, on the average, than Fihpino men CIC This suggests that Fhpinas in Canada suffer discrimination on the basis of both their ethnicity and their gender. Qualifications in nursing, teaching, and midwifery have not been awarded immigration points in the recent past on the basis that there is a sufficient supply of skilled workers in the Canadian labor market already.
Thus the LCP opens a route for those without the slulls or education assessed as desirable by Canadian government labor market analysis.
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Fihpinas arriving to do domestic work in Canada are typically in their thrties and forties. In the period, 15, women from the Phhppines landed in Canada under the LCPThe largest group of these women were aged 13, ,while only were and were 45 years or older. The prevalence of the twenty-five to forty-four age group suggests that many of these women were or had been married. This is supported by research done with Fhpina LCP migrants in Toronto where, of the women interviewed by Stasiulis and Bakan , , twelve identified as married or partnered, two as separated, divorced or widowed, and eleven as never married.
Migrating to Canada in the middle of their reproductive years, many of these women have been married and have dependent chlldren in the Phhppines.
Manual Wife or Worker?: Asian Women and Migration (Asia/Pacific/Perspectives)
Despite what women may report at any given point, the actual marital status of many Filipina contract migrants arriving in Canada is difficult to define. From our focus group interviews and life histories, we learned that abandonment or relationship breakdown is one of the reasons behind the decision to go overseas for many Filipino women.
Divorce is not possible in the Philippines, but can be filed for abroad. Single moms are women who have children without a husband. Sometimes this occurs through abandonment of the family by the husband or the absence of a legal marriage and meaningful commitment to the relationship by the male partner in the first instance. Nongovernmental agencies are farmliar with this fuzziness of marital status.
They prefer single women as opposed to married, so a lot of the women, they have to lie and say they are single. Following a husband often means moving around to different cities and rural areas in the Philippines as he looks for work, finding part-time and contract work as they go.
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For many such women, after several years of marriage, their husband is a burden and they are happy to divest themselves of their responsibility to him, in order to focus o n their children. Canadian men, in particular, are perceived as being more egalitarian in marital relations than Filipinos. I guess for a lot, the minute they land here, they start making their own decisions. Which means they build more confidence in themselves because they are starting to make decisions so the confidence builds up.
We get a lot of those! Interracial marriages where expectations were different. Here is an experiential example, where the image of Fihpinas as domestic workers overdetermines the nature of their international marriage. As female partners, Filipinas were not focussed on economic security. None of the women interviewed here had married Canadian men who were high-income earners and all of them kept working themselves after marriage. Perhaps this was, in part, to continue to support their famdies back in the Philippines.
This segregation is a very real and demonstrable phenomenon. As workers, the disjuncture between their education and previous work in the Philippines and their current positions in Canada creates alienation and dissatisfaction. As migrant women, LCPers are in an anomalous situation-though contract migrants, they are unlikely to return home.
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Rather, they have the opportunity to become landed immigrants, an opportunity conditional on their acceptance of worlung conditions not applied to Canadian citizens Stasiulis and Bakan The d e - s m n g of women who are already long-term overseas workers compounds and reinforces this stereotyping of Filipinas as DH. Just the D H job, on its own, is enough to marginalize a woman fi-om the mainstream of Canadan society.
Most employers. It is not considered as a job. It is not considered as a profession. The problem is domestic work is considered something anybody can do. In the general public, if you are a domestic worker you would be considered probably as 36 Deirdre McKay intellectually a little bit 1imited.
You have limited education; so the job that is left over for you to do is maid work. Social statistics suggest that this segregation is not only perceived but also the reality of the Canahan labor market. InVancouver, for instance, statistics o n labor market segmentation show that women of Philippine ethnic origin are found disproportionately in DH-type occupations.
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If all occupations were allocated without regard to ethnicity, the index of segregation would be 1. Looking atvancouver, Dan Hiebert found that Filipinas had an index of segregation of 8. This means women from the Philippines were 8. Women from the Philippines exhibit the highest degree of occupational segregation of any group Hiebert , This phenomenon is likely a result of the influx of Filipina women under the LCP and the social situation described in the quote above.
Feelings of expectations denied, social denigration, and limitations in accessing nondomestic work were expressed by Filipinas in interviews in the present study: Lydia teacher : I worked in Hong Kong for four years. If I compare like my salary in Hong Kong as domestic helper and the salary as a classroom teacher in the Philippines, is triple more than I get here.
I arrived here in under LCP, for my 8 years here I had four employers and until now I am still doing domestic work or working as live-in caregiver.
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Aida accounting graduate : I already know that my work will be a nanny, a domestic helper. But what I knew, that is only for my stepping stone. Then I have hope that I could be able to upgrade myself. I can go to school, get my landed [immigrant status. Maria teacher : I worked in Singapore for almost 3 years and I work here for live-in-care for more than 2 years. So the de-skilling thing is also there, right? Like you have the hesitancy or. Kronica nurse : M oney-wise, we really are incapable of pursuing another career, we are helping f d y.
W e need to support our family in the Philippines leaving us very little amount for everyday living. De-skilling is thus both a structural and a psychological phenomenon, created as much by the economic limitations of providing for dependents overseas as the undervaluing of Philippine work experience and qualifications in the Canadan labor market.
Geraldine Pratts exploration of the dscur- Filipinas in Canada 37 sive construction of Filipina domestic workers shows how discourses on race and gender and economy intersect in their lives to produce de-shlling and labor market segregation in Canada.
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